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July 11, 2008
By Raymond Maingire
HARARE - Professor Jonathan Moyo, the controversial legislator for
Tsholotsho North constituency, has dropped a political bombshell.He
dismissed Movement for Democratic Change leader Morgan Tsvangirai as lacking
leadership qualities, while fiercely defending the legitimacy of President
Robert Mugabe's controversial re-election on June 27.
Moyo, who was reported by the Zimbabwe Independent last week to be earmarked
by Mugabe for the post of Minister of Information and is widely regarded as
harbouring presidential elections of his own, dropped another bomb shell. He
charged that MDC treasurer Roy Bennett, now living in exile in South Africa
and business tycoon, Strive Masiyiwa also based in Johannesburg in exile had
hijacked the MDC. He described the two men as the major fund-risers of the
Moyo said he does not rule out the prospect of rejoining Zanu-PF. He said it
was his democratic right to choose whom to associate with.
He then launched a broadside at the Western powers for what he described as
"a display of too much fascination with Zimbabwe's internal politics".
Moyo, who was sacked from government and Zanu PF for standing as independent
candidate in the 2005 general elections, described as scandalous a
suggestion made by Tsvangirai in his letter of withdrawal. The MDC leader
said that the post-March 29 political violence was unprecedented in Zimbabwe's
"This statement in my view is rather scandalous because it seeks to falsify
history," Moyo said to journalists at the Quill Club, Thursday evening.
"Many of you would recall that the period leading to the 1985 elections was
and remains the darkest period in the political history of this country.
"It's a period in which this country was under a state of emergency. In
three provinces of Matebeleland plus in the Midlands we had a whole military
brigade deployed there. And in those provinces there was a six-to-six curfew
but people still voted in the general elections of 1985."
Moyo said Tsvangirai should have taken after the then opposition PF-Zapu
leader, Dr Joshua Nkomo, who never pulled out of the elections because of
It is estimated that up to 20 000 of Nkomo's supporters were massacred by
President Mugabe's Fife Brigade. Nkomo has stated in the past that his own
father was one of the victims of the Gukurahundi atrocities.
"There is no electoral violence of the kind that the PF-Zapu was subjected
to which we have seen in this country," he said.
"There is nothing to be gained in political terms by counting dead bodies in
order to turn that into a political manifesto."
He said Tsvangirai should not seek to regain lost political ground by
calling for the invasion of Zimbabwe. He suggested that the MDC leader
should, instead, emulate Nkomo who chose to bury the hatchet by forming a
government of national unity with Zanu-PF. Nkomo was at one stage forced to
flee from persecution by the Mugabe government. He lived in exile for a
while in the United Kingdom and on return embarked on long-drawn out
negotiations with Mugabe which resulted in the signing of a unity agreement
in December 2007.
Ironically, Moyo went on the offensive on the very day talks between Zanu-PF
and the MDC were revived in Pretoria.
Said Moyo, "Tsvangirai's withdrawal seemed to hold the electorate in
contempt on the grounds that it is not mature enough to withstand political
violence and intimidation and, therefore, it cannot be trusted to vote its
The former political science lecturer turned politician said Tsvangirai's
pull-out had, in any case, failed to stop the violence for which purpose it
Then he went for the jugular. He accused the MDC leader of subordinating his
party's decision making process to its "fund raisers", Masiyiwa and Bennett.
"I believe that the decision-making process in Tsvangirai and the MDC is now
firmly in the hands of the party's fundraisers, namely Strive Masiyiwa and
Roy Bennett," said Moyo.
"This is now creating problems for Tsvangirai, creating problems for the
so-called kitchen cabinet for the MDC which in the past was making decisions
for the MDC and creating problems for the structures."
Moyo shocked journalists when he suggested that President Mugabe was the
ideal candidate to lead the proposed Government of National Unity (GNU)
between Zanu-PF and MDC.
He argues that the 84 year old leader enjoys "the legal legitimacy" that was
occasioned by Tsvangirai's withdrawal from the run-off poll.
"The question of the legal legitimacy of the President is a done deal and
also the need for a GNU is necessary. President Mugabe has the legal
legitimacy as Head of State," he said.
"In fact, by withdrawing from the race at the eleventh hour, Tsvangirai
voted for Mugabe alone.
"There is an attempt to say that lets use the 29th of March result of the
presidential election in the discussions of a GNU. That cannot be the legal
position. Morgan Tsvangirai entered the run-off because no one won the
presidency on the 29th of March.
Perhaps more startling was Moyo's unquestioning support for President Mugabe's
utterances that power obtained through the electoral process is inferior to
that obtained through the liberation struggle.
"The gun was important in our history once," Moyo said. "It was important to
make the pen permanent. But when the pen risks reversing the gains of the
liberation struggle at a time when those who fought for that liberation are
still alive, you risk conflict. You don't have to be rocket scientist to see
that. These guys spent their time out there (in the war)."
By now Moyo exuded the countenance of his heyday as Minister of Information
around 2002, when he virtually single-handedly rescued Mugabe from the
throes of defeat by Tsvangirai.
"It is important for the pen to be able to play its permanent role in the
democratic process," he said. "It's important that there be entrenched
mechanisms that will not allow the pen to become an enemy of the history of
the country and the heritage of the country.
"The gun was held by people who are still in charge of this country. It
makes logical sense the gun is more important than a pen. It's very
important to note that we are operating in a country whose background is
still dominated by people who liberated it.
"Britain is trying to use the pen to stake its political interests in our
country. If a former colonial power tries to take advantage of the pen it
certainly invites the gun. Where does Britain get the audacity to make
Zimbabwe its business?"
He said the UN ironically refrained from prescribing solutions for the
Kenyan post election situation in December last year but had chosen to do so
"There was violence, worse violence than we have seen and in Zimbabwe they
have taken a shocking approach.
"When people take decisions, you ask yourself is this decision the kind of
decision I would support when I am alone taking a shower or this would shock
"We can't have the EU saying we won't recognize a government led by so and
so but we will recognize a government led by so and so; on what basis? One
day they say we want to use the 29th of March as the basis. Well for
goodness sake, it did not produce results, it's a non issue.
"Each time the Americans and the British make noise about our politics, they
definitely annoy nationalist Zimbabweans."
He said he was grateful that Russia and China had opposed the proposed
sanctions on Zimbabwe.
Said Moyo in reference to Tsvangirai, "There is everything wrong with a
Zimbabwean who runs against the founding father of a country with the
support of its colonial power."
If the March 29 elections should stand, he argues, Zanu-PF should also have
a say as it lost the parliamentary seats but won the overall vote.
"Why would you treat a party that had the popular vote as having been
walloped in a landslide?" he said.
While he played the part, Moyo denied rumours that he was preparing to
rejoin Zanu-PF. He however said he does not rule out that possibility.
"There is no point in pretending that we are what we have never been," he
said, "I don't think that Zanu-PF has animals.
"I think that all of us know that one of the guaranteed fundamental freedoms
in this country is freedom of association. And that right is not delegated
to anyone. This is one right that we all have and should enjoy."
"And I have not delegated mine and I reserve the right to exercise it
"So I don't believe that I really owe anyone an explanation as to what party
I am joining or rejoining. The only people I owe such explanation are of
course members of my family."
During the just ended electoral period government effectively withdrew the
right of association from a substantial percentage of Zimbabwe's electorate
when it banned rallies organised by the opposition.
Moyo went on to attack Western powers for what he said was too much
fascination over Zimbabwe's politics.
"The fascination and interest that the G8 members in general, Britain and
America in particular, have in our election is dangerous," he said.
"The idea of going to the United Nations Security Council to seek sanctions
against a set of individuals on account of a disputed presidential election
is deplorable in the extreme.
"The United Nations of all organizations is the one which has members that
conduct the funniest elections. They are overdoing it and they are creating
problems for the MDC."
Moyo said he was now "really impressed" by South African President Thabo
Mbeki's mediation, saying he had helped avert a higher risk of an all-out
conflict in Zimbabwe.
"The person who helped calm down these emotions is Thabo Mbeki," Moyo said.
"He is playing a crucial role.
"It is not useful or strategic diplomatic engagement to make public
statements denouncing a head of state when you are still in opposition. It's
not good diplomacy.
"We cannot put ourselves in a situation where we have the luxury of
condemning Mbeki when we are behaving badly ourselves and say he is
"The basic issue is that it's for Zimbabweans to solve the problems. Not for
any foreigner even Mbeki," he said.
In the early 1990s, before he went to live in exile in Kenya and South
Africa, Moyo was in the forefront of and shot to prominence through
denouncing Zimbabwe's head of state, Mugabe. He was appointed Minister of
Information in 200 and became Mugabe's most ardent defender until the two
parted company acrimoniously in 2005.
Then he reverted to the role of Mugabe critic; that was until last night
when he revealed his new political stand-point.
To err is humane..But when the eraser wears out ahead of the pencil,you are overdoing it.
lgeja libuya nenkankula
Let us prepare for an armed struggle and gun down this warthog. It is not like zanu fought single handedly for the liberation of that nation. If liberating the country is anything to go by why have they killed people who also fought in the same struggle? THEY JUST WANT TO ISOLATE ZIM FROM EVRYBODY ELSE AND DESTROY THE LAND AT THEIR WILL. They are only concerned about their bellies and dont care a single bit about anybody else. Let us forget about anything velvet in liberating Mthwakazi, seek for arms fullstop. WE ARE READY. It was sieged by blood it will be redeemed by the same. It is now , let us engage them one time.
Last edited by MTHWENTWEHLABA1; 07/11/08 11:27 AM.
HLABA-1-AT A TIME
uyithinta khona mthwentwe we really nd those with big balls to come front and gt this whole mess ye politiki ova n done with asiyeni majaha sikhulule umthwakazi..
what goes around comes around blv me its true
Mthwente mfoweyhu kunjani phila mingisatotoba. alikho iqiniso elindlula lelo. indlela yinye. vele siyafa. kabuhlungu . abazali nezihlobo zethu zifa zodwa thina sigcwele amazweni sikhuluma. akubekanye basiqede nezingane zethu zizalelwa endle. asinampilo vele. ithemba linye nguMthwakazi. yikho lapho sothola ukuphumula. masingazikhohlisi sithi sizokhuluma nabantu ababulala abantu bakubo bengenamacala. thiana bazosimamela kanjani singakhulumi even ulimi lwabo. usekhona ocabanga ukuthi itshona liyamthanda? abasiqede mani. akukhulunywe obala ukuthi kuyaliwa. no diplomacy yamasimba. akufoswa muntu. labo abazimiseleyo. khulisa lelogama Mthwente. salakahle mfo.
thought provoking question mninimuzi. could it be? no i didn't think so.
i think J. Moyo is smart, thus the thing to do if he wants to enjoy his last term in office. people of Tsholotsho are now beyond and above zanu pf and the other two warring factions.
however, are they politically mature enough to read the game, say Jonathan receives a ministerial position?, coz it will be foolish to refuse, even any opposition MP for that matter, in case of a GNU.
I hope and trust the people of Tsholotsho won't fall into the deadly trap of political puritanism, but rather understand that it is just a game of minds with real and felt results.
maturity is of the mind, not of age, however, the magnitude of one's experiences is a function of age.
TALKING POINTS ON THE CURRENT POLITICAL SITUATION IN ZIMBABWE WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO POSITIONS TAKEN BY MORGAN TSVANGIRAI AND HIS MDC
Prof Jonathan Moyo
Harare Quill Club
July 10, 2008
Last updated: 07/12/2008 15:40:28
? After I received an invitation to today?s discussion, a media friend of mine who is one of the administrators of this club and who is also very active in the MDC Tsvangirai party told me that the reason for the invitation was to enable me to clarify some remarks I made recently at the Bulawayo Press Club which my friend said were too critical of Tsvangirai and about which he said I needed to be roasted.
? In addition, my media and MDC friend said I needed to explain myself in the light of what he claimed were growing reports within both the MDC Tsvangirai and the media fraternity in general that I am on the verge of rejoining Zanu PF as these reports were of major concern to him and many others in the media and opposition politics.
? Well, I shall address the first point in some detail as a substantive issue in a little while because I think it raises fundamental questions about the state of tolerance in our national politics and the future thereof.
? Regarding the second issue, I do not see any reason why I should come here and justify or defend my political affiliation as if I don?t know that freedom of association is a constitutionally protected fundamental right to which each and every one of us is entitled.
? The record will show that I have not and will never delegate my right to freedom of association to anybody whether in the media, opposition politics, Zanu PF or the so-called international community. The right is mine and mine alone. The only people who matter in terms of how I exercise that right are members of my family.
? Otherwise, for the avoidance of any doubt, I don?t mind reminding those who want to know that I am happily the duly elected Independent Member of the House of Assembly for Tsholotsho North yet to be sworn in. Nothing is about to change in that regard.
2. TSVANGIRAI & HIS MDC NOT IMMUNE FROM CRITICISM
? But the one question that requires some substantive reflection is about the alleged concern about my criticism of Tsvangirai.
? I must say with all respect to those concerned that I am quite alarmed by the suggestion that Tsvangirai is or should be above criticism and that somehow criticizing him constitutes a political crime.
? The fact is that Tsvangirai is clearly part of the national leadership in this country and all leaders, especially those who aspire to hold the highest office of the land and who, like Tsvangirai, style themselves as democratic and for democratic change, must be subject to serious and enlightened public criticism.
? I do not and will never subscribe to the underdeveloped notion that any criticism of President Mugabe is by definition tantamount to endorsement of Tsvangirai nor do I subscribe to the converse that any criticism of Tsvangirai is ipso facto an endorsement of President Mugabe. There is more to life than that.
? Contrary to emotive claims that the presidential election in Zimbabwe ended up as a sham of a one man race, we all know that the Presidential election that started on March 29 and ended on June 27 had four candidates. I for one have had opportunity to publicly criticize three of those: namely President Mugabe, Simba Makoni and Morgan Tsvangirai in their capacities as acknowledged national leaders.
? I have not had time nor desire to even bother about the other candidate whose name I cannot even remember simply because he is not a national leader and must have been a front of some unknown shadowy force out there.
? Those in opposition politics or in the media who think that public criticism of national leaders should only be restricted to criticising Makoni, Mugabe and other Zanu PF politicians are either na?ve or stupid.
? I have criticized Tsvangirai?s withdrawal and his manner of withdrawal from the Presidential Runoff election not only because there was a rational basis for believing he could win that runoff but also because his withdrawal was an unfortunate vote of no confidence in the electorate.
? In fact, the withdrawal was a betrayal of the electorate and an attack on the democratic process which amplified serious leadership failure on Tsvangirai?s part.
? I shall further explain these considerations shortly.
3. CLARIFYING THE QUESTION OF VIOLENCE
? I am aware that the one reason given for Tsvangirai?s withdrawal was that political violence, intimidation and harassment had gotten out of hand and that the withdrawal was necessary to stop that violence and the attendant intimidation and harassment.
? Yes, there is no doubt or debate about the fact that there was indeed deplorable political violence and intimidation in some parts of the country notably in the provinces of Mashonaland Central, Mashonaland East, Manicaland and parts of Masvingo province but certainly not though out the country.
? That violence which should be condemned in the strongest possible terms resulted in the murder of scores of people and injury to many more while some had their houses burnt down leading to the displacement of a number of families.
? And while most of the reported cases of the violence were inter-party, pitting Zanu PF against MDC Tsvangirai and vice versa, there are many unreported cases of intra-party violence and intimidation which took place within Zanu PF during pungwes in Mashonaland Central, Mashonaland East, Masvingo and Manicaland.
? I have been shocked and disappointed by the claim made by Tsvangirai and others in his party, the media, in the UK and the US who have claimed that the political violence and intimidation seen between last April and June 25 has never been seen in Zimbabwe since independence in 1980.
? Even more shocking, this patently false and self-serving claim features prominently in black and white in Tsvangirai?s formal 25 June letter to ZEC withdrawing from the runoff.
? This claim is a very cheap, most unfortunate and utterly scandalous attempt to falsify Zimbabwe?s political and electoral history.
? The fact that is still crying out loud in our country waiting for resolution is that the period leading to and after the 1985 general election was the darkest in the political and electoral history of this country. The political violence, intimidation and harassment against the membership, supporters and leadership of PF Zapu that preceded and followed that election has not been equalled by anything since then.
? There is nothing to be gained in political terms by counting dead bodies in order to turn that into a political manifesto. This is what the MDC Tsvangirai and its British and American supporters have been doing with the political violence that took place in Zimbabwe between April 4 and June 25.
? But it is a well known fact that for some 24 months before the 1985 general election, the Matabeleland and Midlands provinces had the Fifth Brigade deployed there during which some 20,000 people were massacred while many more were tortured, maimed, had their homes destroyed or their livelihood lost. All this happened when the whole country was still under the brutal Rhodesian state of emergency and communities in Matabeleland and the Midlands provinces were under a dehumanising dusk to dawn curfew from 6pm to 6am.
? Victims of these atrocities feel insulted and demeaned by Tsvangirai?s false and politically insensitive claim that the violence that happened in the run up to the runoff is unprecedented in Zimbabwe?s political and electoral history.
? I just cannot bring myself to supporting Tsvangirai?s political falsification of history for his own political gains, as someone who represents a constituency that bore the brunt of the Gukurahundi atrocities when the Fifth Brigade was first deployed in Tsholotsho in January 1983 and continued to suffer those atrocities beyond the 1985 general election.
? Those who cannot understand this fundamental concern have a problem and they should not expect me to solve their problem.
4. TSVANGIRAI?S WITHDRAWAL FROM THE RUNOFF WAS ILL-ADVISED
? Against this backdrop, I believe Tsvangirai?s withdrawal from the runoff on the basis that there was unprecedented violence and political intimidation against the electorate is not historically justified.
? Whether intended or not, the impact of Tsvangirai?s withdrawal from the runoff was (a) to deny the electorate an opportunity to demonstrate its maturity by expressing itself even under the most difficult circumstances and (b) to hold the electorate in contempt on grounds that it is not mature or strong willed enough to withstand political violence and intimidation and therefore could be trusted to vote its own conscience against all odds.
? What was even more disturbing about Tsvangirai?s withdrawal from the runoff is that there was no consultation over the decision with other democratic forces in the country whose support Tsvangirai, his fundraisers and political surrogates apparently want to take for granted. Their futile expectation was that the MDC cabal would make the decision and everyone else would simply fall in line and support that decision because anything that Tsvangirai does or says must be supported by all progressive and democratic forces without any question or criticism.
? That kind of approach, which really smacks of the same old stuff, cannot foster the development of a new or alternative democratic culture and process in Zimbabwe.
? It did not matter that the decision to withdraw from the runoff four days before the fact sharply contradicted Tsvangirai?s widely publicised position that he believed he did not have to campaign at all and that he could just stay at home and wait for June 27 as no amount of violence, intimidation or harassment would sway the electorate against him because in his view it had already made up its mind in his favour.
5. THE CAUSE OF THE POOR DECISION TO WITHDRAW FROM THE RUNOFF
? A question that follows from the foregoing is this: what caused Tsvangirai to make what I believe was a wrong decision to withdraw from the runoff at the eleventh hour without any consultation with other democratic forces and against his own public position in support of the runoff and to the detriment of the growth and development of the democratic process in the country?
? Although this issue remains unexamined in the media, I believe the real reason behind that decision and indeed other poor decisions taken recently by Tsvangirai is because he and his MDC have become victims of their near success on March 29, 2008.
? In particular, since March 29, the decision making process in Tsvangirai and the MDC has been hijacked by some dangerously ambitious outsiders and is now firmly in the reckless hands of the party?s leading fundraisers, namely Strive Masiyiwa and Roy Bennett.
? This is now creating very serious but untold problems for Tsvangirai, creating problems for his so-called kitchen cabinet and creating more problems for the now disempowered MDC structures which can no longer make head or tail of what is happening within the party.
? For example, Masiyiwa has seconded to Tsvangirai Wellington Chadeumbe and George Sibotshiwe who are now at the centre of the MDC?s decision making and communication virtually from nowhere in political terms as far as the MDC structures are concerned.
? As a result, Tsvangirai?s so-called kitchen cabinet and the party structures have been successfully marginalised and sidelined by Masiyiwa and Bennett as they are no longer consulted on key party decisions.
? Tsvangirai himself now typically makes contradictory statements by the day such that in any given week he makes at least seven internally contradictory statements about one and the same thing.
? There have also been glaringly contradictory statements coming from Tsvangirai, Tendai Biti and Nelson Chamisa.
? All these developments have been particularly pronounced since the MDC?s near success on March 29 and following the rise of the MDC Tsvangirai?s fundraisers to the centre of the party?s decision making.
? One of the consequences of this development which has cost the MDC politically was the decision for Tsvangirai and Biti to leave Zimbabwe in early April, just a few days after the March 29 election, and to remain in self-imposed exile for some six weeks during which the internal structures of the party lost cohesion as all decisions were now being made not only by the party?s fundraisers but they were also being literally made outside the country where Tsvangirai and Biti were.
? Foreign interests that influence things in the MDC, especially the British government, have taken advantage of this situation as they are finding it much easier to work through Roy Bennett and Strive Masiyiwa than through the so-called kitchen cabinet or the more complicated MDC?s structures.
? This has given the British and American governments false confidence to make Zimbabwe?s national politics their business.
? Even the United Nations has, through this window, allowed itself to be used to concern itself with a disputed presidential election as if unaware that most of its membership is well known for holding the funniest elections that are too comical to even worry about.
? I know that there are some or even many in the MDC Tsvangirai who would deny this with red faces until the cows come home but I can tell you that I am not making anything up because this is factual and there is more to it than I have said.
6. WHO IS THE PRESIDENT OF ZIMBABWE: Contrasting legal legitimacy with political legitimacy
? With this background in mind, who is the President of Zimbabwe?
? In terms of legal legitimacy, it is clear that Mugabe is the President of Zimbabwe. One does not need to hold a brief from him to appreciate this point.
? I have heard and read media references to the June 27 runoff as a one horse race or one man election.
? That is not the legally correct position. We all know that there were initially four candidates, then there were two and then there was one who was legally the winner after the other one withdrew.
? There was no legal need to have the formality of an election on June 27 after Tsvangirai formally withdrew on June 25. At the point of that withdrawal, ZEC could and should have declared the winner and spared us from the political formality of an election that was no longer legally necessary.
? In fact, and strictly speaking, Tsvangirai elected Mugabe alone through his ill-advised withdrawal. It is ludicrous for any to unilaterally withdraw from an election four days before it takes place and legally expect to be declared the winner of the same election.
? The ZEC argument that Tsvangirai should have withdrawn 21 days before March 29 to avoid a runoff is nonsensical. The fact of the matter is that ZEC failed to publish regulations specifically dealing with the runoff not least because of its inexplicable and unfortunate delay in announcing the March 29 presidential outcome.
? However, while President Mugabe does have legal legitimacy as President, his political legitimacy is under serious contestation.
? He clearly has a political problem and that is partly why he has committed himself to a government of national unity and that is indeed also why there must be negotiations to achieve a political settlement outside the election process.
7. THE INEVITABILITY OF A GNU
? The major reason that makes negotiations on a government of national unity necessary is because there is no single party in the House of Assembly that has the required minimum number of seats to either control Parliament or form a government.
? While it has been common to find claims in the media that the MDC Tsvangirai has a majority in Parliament, the reality is contrary to that.
? For any party to have the required majority in the House of Assembly, it must have at least 106 seats. The MDC Tsvangirai has 100, Zanu PF had 99 and now it has 98 following the death of one of its elected candidates from Gokwe, the MDC Mutambara has 10 with one Independent.
? One clearest failure of the MDC Tsvangirai is that to this day it does not have a binding or functional agreement with the MDC Mutambara to cooperate in Parliament.
? In fact, the MDC Mutambara formation is continuing to participate in the Sadc dialogue as a fully fledged opposition party with all of its rights still reserved.
? Tsvangirai would have been strategic had he succeeded in ensuring that the two MDCs participated in the dialogue as one voice. He has lost that opportunity and with it he may have lost the opportunity to control Parliament, having already lost the presidency.
? Notwithstanding the grandstanding in the media, it is now obvious that there is no way forward for Zimbabwe outside a government of national unity.
? As I have already mentioned, at the very least the composition of the House of Assembly dictates that.
? I believe that the Sadc mediation process will succeed because there?s no better alternative.
? Indeed, this is the position that has now been taken by everyone who matters in the country, Sadc, African Union, EU and the United Nations.
? What remains to be seen is who will be what in the government of national unity. Some of that will be determined by Mugabe in terms of his legal legitimacy and some of it will be a result of the Sadc dialogue because of challenges to Mugabe?s political legitimacy.
Ngingumthakathi wezigodo, umkhunkuli, angibhenyelwa nsangu mina, lizowukhomba olotshwala.
Mnthwakazi, ninjani lapho elikhona?
What an interesting piece of information.
The only politician smarter than mgabe @ the moment is Moyo! The rest is a bunch morons standing in the playing field but have got no clue what is going on. Is he aiming for president? Just a thought,
Moyo knows that it?s just a matter of time b4 mgabe kicked a bucket. He might as well position himself in time and mount support seeing that there are only a few witty politicians with balls. There are too many weaknesses in the opposition that any clever politician can take advantage of.
I don?t know what his political strategy is, but if it means that one has to keep his enemies closer to know what is going on in their court and take advantage of any gaps, then so be it. I must say though that from what I?ve heard, he has never disappointed his Tsholotsho people. Let?s only hope that this time he?ll use his wisdom to reposition Mthwakazi as a whole. Once again?.. just a thought, I may be wrong or right, only time will tell!
Ngicindezele>>>>> : I hope and trust the people of Tsholotsho won't fall into the deadly trap of political puritanism, but rather understand that it is just a game of minds with real and felt results. Ngime ukucindezela<<<<<.
Ngicela uncedo olucacileyo in the exact meaning of this input.