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Mugabe does well to keep Dabengwa under constant watch
Muthwa Ncube
Dr Dabengwa, as he is now known, is reported to have received a Doctor of Law honorary degree. According the the Zanu (PF) mouthpiece newspaper, the Herald, Dabengwa was awarded the honorary degree for "his distinguished dedication towards the emancipation of black people in Zimbabwe and Africa." But analysts have said this award is part of Mugabe's grand plan of the perpetual appeasement of the Ndebele populace. In November 2004, when he announced his retirement from active politics, having been defeated by Gibson Sibanda in Nkulumane during the 2000 general elections, there was a ray of hope that he had finally left the repressive regime. But recent events suggest that he is an important man to Mugabe if he (Mugabe) is to continue his suppression of the Ndebele people via the Unity Accord. It is widely believed that according to Mugabe and Zanu (PF), Dabengwa must be kept under the radar screen constantly. As the intelligence supremo of Zapu's armed wing, ZIPRA, Dabengwa was known as the Black Russian. In the early eighties he was jailed by Robert Mugabe and his regime on trumped up charges of high treason and has often reiterated that he has long since forgiven his tortureres. The wider cross section of Ndebele people have for a long time been expressing disappointment that this man who once stood larger than life, having been the number one enemy of the Rhodesian army during the war of colonial liberation, and presiding over the fearsome and gallant army like ZIPRA, has like his leader Joshua Nkomo, had his reputation dented beyond repair by the imposed association with the brutal regime of Robert Mugabe. Some Ndebele analysts contend that to deny Dabengwa his heroism on the basis of his post Unity Accord record would be insincere. Born in the Bubi district of Matabeleland North, Dabengwa worked for the Bulawayo City Council as a clerk and later attained a Diploma in Business Administration and Bachelor of Commerce degree in South Africa before he was detained between 1961 and 1962 after his participation in the formation of the Zimbabwe African People’s Union (ZAPU) youth wing. He was one of the first cadres to go for training in the then Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) and in 1965 he helped form the Zimbabwe Peoples’ Revolutionary Army (ZIPRA), the armed wing of ZAPU. He was involved in the Wankie campaign, a joint operation between ZIPRA and African National Congress (ANC) Umkhonto WeSizwe in the Hwange area in 1967, where they launched raids on Rhodesian forces. The Umkonto WeSizwe platoon was under the leadership of the late Oliver Tambo and Chris Hani, who was Deputy Commander. Dabengwa's future was to continue to be mapped out when he fought in one of the first armed contacts between the joint platoons and Rhodesian forces. Dabengwa was elevated to Secretary for the Revolutionary Council (ZIPRA War Council) and intelligence chief directly reporting to the late Joshua Nkomo. He was responsible for carrying out reconnaissance and intelligence work along the border with Zambia, identifying possible areas where Zipra forces could cross into the then Rhodesia. He played a critical role in the negotiations at Lancaster House, which resulted in Zimbabwe’s Independence in 1980. However, trouble broke out early in the 1980's when Mugabe sent troops to carry out the Gukurahundi genocide in Matabeleland. It is then that Dabengwa was jailed by Robert Mugabe on trumped up charges of high treason. That he is indeed a hero for the way he led the ZIPRA intelligence during the liberation war has not been contested by many people. After the signing of the 1987 Unity Accord he was appointed Deputy Home Affairs Minister in 1990 before his subsequent promotion to Minister of the same ministry two years later. Is it because of his role as Minister of Home Affairs that Dabengwa's popularity waned? In a country which is run by a regime which is dictatorial, law enforcement is always going to be a difficult issue. Even Nkomo himself was thrust in the deepend by Mugabe as Home Affairs minister in the early 1980's, the same fate has befallen Enos Nkala. Could this be Mugabe's tactic of eroding Ndebele leaders' popularity? Some maintain that it is. As chairman of the Matabeleland Zambezi Water Project, Dabengwa has widely been held to account for the slow progress, if any, achieved in delivering this project. However, the analysts who refuse to totally lay the blame at his doostep, have pointed out that Mugabe has continued to deny Ndebele leaders the opportunity to develop Matabeleland, citing the example of the expulsion of one Professor Jonathan Moyo from the government. Therefore it can be said that by awarding Dabengwa with an honorary degree, Mugabe (who is also the Vice Chancellor of UZ), knows very well that Dabengwa will have no other choice other than be grateful. Mugabe also has the full knowledge that there is no rewards to be offered by the Mthwakazi people for the Ndebele leaders whose credibility he has damaged. Unless they proclaim their departure from Zanu (PF), and even then there are no guarantees. It is a view held in some Ndebele circles that if people like Dabengwa were to enter a new political formation, such as the recently much talked about "Third Way", Zimbabwe will never be same again. Even the leadership of the MDC appears to lack guile and some say experienced intelligence supremos like Dabengwa could lend much needed weight to their cause. But
Robert Mugabe has other ideas. He continues to keep his friends close
but his potential enemies even closer.
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