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What Zimbabwe now needs is a political settlement to stop the slide towards total collapse.

Mpho A Ncube: 08/09/02 

The widely expected demise of Zanu Pf by the Movement of Democratic Change (MDC) at the ballot box earlier this year did not happen.  No surprises there then, given that the government had set in motion a chain of events that were designed to pre-determine the outcome of the election in its favour.

The people of Zimbabwe were denied their fundamental right to choose a leader of their own liking and this fact alone should have rendered those elections null and void.  That the results were allowed to stand is yet another reason, after Gukurahundi and the Willovale scandal, that we should not recognise the legitimacy of the Zanu Pf government.  It goes without saying that to want to hold Zanu Pf to account is to invite accusations from the Minister for the control of public opinion, Jonathan Moyo, of being MDC (as if it's a crime) or "agent of the colonialists".

 The MDC was right to contest the March elections even when faced with insurmountable odds.  By participating in a contest they knew would be rigged and still coming close to unseating the government, the party won a moral victory in the eyes of many Zimbabweans. 

Seven months on, the MDC seems to be in disarray. It doesn't appear as if the party had seriously considered the prospect of opposition.  Has it mastered the art of opposition? I think not. It has not been able to translate its moral victory into real opposition.  This, however, is hardly a surprise because having been founded on a populist wave, the MDC will always be re-active rather than pro-active to the political situation in Zimbabwe. It appears to be looking to the masses for signals to act while becoming very good at telling us what we already know - that Zanu Pf is a spent force and must be replaced.  As things stand, talk of Zanu Pf demise is misplaced.

It is in this post-election period of disillusionment that quiet reflection is needed.  I would like to think that the MDC is currently undergoing this process, otherwise how does one explain their ineptitude? I would like to see its leaders emerge from this slumber with more courage than they have shown so far.  There is undeniable thirst for a viable alternative to the present government, which once again, is holding the country hostage.  Since independence in 1980, Zanu Pf has been in open confrontation with citizens of Zimbabwe - first it was the Ndebele and today it is everybody.  For all its intellectual clout, the government cannot see, or if it does, refuses to accept that reforms both within its ranks and the country at large, are long overdue.  Instead, it is gripped by paranoia, blaming everybody but itself.

This article gives what the writer feels should be the way forward for Zimbabwe, a country in a state of siege equal to that of the 1980's.  During the rape and pillage of Matabeleland and the Midlands by the Fifth Brigade, international opinion was focused on apartheid South Africa.  Similarly today, world focus has shifted to the "war against terrorism" thereby relegating Zimbabwe to the sidelines. Robert Mugabe used apartheid South Africa as cover for his genocide in Matabeleland. Today he is hiding behind America's campaign against Al Quaida to rape, maim and murder opponents of his government.  He should not be allowed to get away with it again.

The government sees land re-distribution as the final act in its black empowerment programme.  Judging by the preceding Affirmative Action Campaign, which started off as a well-intentioned plan to promote black economic empowerment but ended up as a Zanu Pf vehicle for self-enrichment, it is no wonder that the so-called "Hondo yeminda" has suffered similar fate.  Senior government, police and army officials have unashamedly helped themselves to the best farms, evicting ordinary people already settled on these properties. While there is an undeniable need for land re-distribution in Zimbabwe, the politicisation of the process by Zanu Pf has condemned millions of citizens to starvation and death.  The country has been set back a century.  So, given this background and the fact that the government and MDC are now pitted against each other in a low-intensity civil war, what should be the way forward for Zimbabwe?

The two main parties have got to accept that a political settlement is now a pre-requisite of any lasting solution and must therefore renew efforts to talk to each other.  For that to happen though, Zanu Pf must first accept that the MDC is now an indelible part of the political landscape while the MDC on its part will have to understand that no political settlement will preclude violence. To therefore insist on the total cessation of hostilities, as a precondition for talks is not only unrealistic but also perpetuates the suffering of Zimbabweans.  MDC leaders would be wise to study settlements in South Africa, Northern Ireland or even Zimbabwe itself (Lancaster House Agreement and "Unity Talks/Accord"). In fairness to the MDC, the party has largely refrained from retaliation, instead insisting on democratic re-course to argue its case.  This has undoubtedly won it many sympathisers at home and abroad, but how long will they continue to look the other way?  We will have to wait and see.

That Robert Mugabe is nearing his end is in no doubt but more uncertain is what a post -Mugabe Zimbabwe will look like. What should a post-Mugabe, or even new MDC government do to pull the country out the present political and economic quagmire?  They will have to be reform minded, which means formulating and implementing bold and radical policies.  The MDC would seem the better-equipped party to do this, as theirs is a party without the suffocating personality cult, unlike Zanu Pf.  Pro-action should be its buzzword. So, what kinds of reform process any new government should undertake?  It should be a process, which is centred on the three areas of government/state, the economy and society.
Let us look at each one in turn.  State or government.  A new relationship between state and citizens is required; a new system of government must be introduced.  I strongly believe that a federal system, properly constituted, is the best way forward for Zimbabwe.  Of course, it would take a very courageous government to implement it and such a fundamental change would be met with fear and mistrust by some sections of society.  Having said this, federalism is not synonymous with tribalism or the break-up of the country, nor should it be.

For the economy, a clear distinction must be made between the state and the markets.  Government should only play a regulatory and supervisory role to promote increased economic activity.  The markets, backed by a sound regulatory framework, must be left to producers and consumers to engage one another without excessive, obstructive state interference.  As for the finer detail of the regulation or fiscal policy, I will leave it to the economists to ponder but let us briefly look at the all too important sector of agriculture as an example of what could be implemented.

Agriculture, being the mainstay of the economy, requires fundamental reform, beginning with the protection of farm workers.  It is a well-known fact that some commercial farmers subject their employees to appalling working conditions.  It is common practice for farm workers to work 24-hour shift patterns on low pay, no holiday entitlement or life outside the farms they work on.  The creation of an independent national farm workers union, preferably by act of parliament, would give these workers the respect and protection they deserve.  After all, commercial farmers have a union to look after their interests, why not the their black workers?  Is the MDC bold enough to ask this of its powerful backers in the Commercial Farmers Union?  Again, we will have to wait and see.

As for society, I have already said in previous articles that it goes hand in hand with culture.  The promotion and preservation of cultures must be left to communities with the state getting involved only to encourage not undermine their efforts.  Diversity must be acknowledged and celebrated.  Bias, whether by fault or design, against other cultures by the Zanu pf government, is one example of the kind of meddling that has destroyed social cohesion.  A consequence of this bias has been the alienation of minorities in Zimbabwe (see "Two countries in one? Concepts of citizenship in Matabeleland"). 

For these reforms to work, there needs to be a conducive platform to work from.  The present confrontational and destructive situation does not provide conditions that will make it easy for Zimbabwe to get back on track.

A political settlement between the two main parties must be the starting point.  Such a settlement is required to end the current state of siege and allow for the creation of a platform from which to institute a reform programme best suited to Zimbabwe.  Solutions to the current crisis lie inside Zimbabwe itself, if only the politicians could seize the chance to set a tone for the rest of Africa.